Yanis Tereshchenko: "There are no grounds to believe that this war could end in near future"
You may have seen reconnaissance soldier of the Third Army Corps, Yanis Tereshchenko, in the news, where it was reported how he helped a young man in Venice who had suffered multiple stab wounds. The victim was lying on the street, bleeding heavily. Yanis was in the city with his family and happened to be passing by. He applied a tourniquet, saving the man’s life. Afterwards, the mayor of Venice met with our serviceman to thank him and present him with an award.
We spoke about this story, as well as about service, the war, and attitudes toward the rear, later in Kyiv. We met near the Corps’ food truck, on the roof of which stood a figurine of an alien holding a hamburger and a can of soda. In this way, the unit draws attention to its creative advertising campaign: "Preparing for any scenario." They were among the first to launch high-quality recruitment.
- "I honestly like that there is a strong focus on advertising. It works," Yanis comments. "We are recognizable. And recognizability affects many things, even in everyday matters. It’s about marketing, media presence, and also about reputation. This means we cannot allow ourselves to do certain things that might damage it. People know us, they watch us, take us as an example, and expect something from us. It’s a certain mechanism that regulates our activities."
- But when much is expected of you, that is essentially a high bar you have to maintain.
- "Of course! That’s exactly right. I can’t recall any cases where we didn’t meet expectations or requirements. As a rule, we even exceed them. We do this, of course, through hard work. But we do it professionally, competently, with preparation, and systematically. Again, it’s also because of that public accountability. And that’s great! So recruitment really works, people are joining. We even have lots of inside jokes on this subject. For example, that people get interested in the caps with badges. They see the ads, looks good! Well, then, let’s celebrate that with some friendly training sessions," (he smiles - O.M.).
- Speaking of jokes. In your advertising, you also mention aliens, whose appearance on Earth scientists predict for November. We joke that the Third Army Corps is planning to recruit them into its ranks…
- We are actually more interested in the equipment. I think we’ll figure out how to register those creatures. But what they bring us, that’s the real intrigue (he smiles - O.M.).
- At the very least, there should be a flying saucer.
- We’ll see its specifications, whether it can be tracked, and so on.
- How it responds to electronic warfare!
- Exactly! Can it be jammed, how is it structured at all? We’ll see. In the end, of our so-called "foreign partners," (he smiles - O.M.)I would probably rely the most on the aliens in terms of expectations. They are somehow more straightforward than some of our other allies. So I think dealing with them would be more or less simple.
- Our current allies are taking part in talks about a possible end to the war. But we see that the situation at the front is difficult. There are not even hints that the Russians intend to stop. On the contrary, they are pushing harder. Yet some civilians expect that it will all end any day now. How can we explain to them that, in reality, things are much more complicated?
- There are no grounds to believe that this war could end in the near future. But negotiations do not cancel out the significance of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the army as an institution overall. In any case, we cannot escape the Russian Federation, which lies to our east. That is 140 million people. We cannot relocate them elsewhere. They will remain our neighbors, as before. Whatever format the negotiation process continues in, whatever decisions may be taken, we will continue to live alongside that entity for centuries. We must think about ourselves, not about them, about how to live with such a difficult neighbor. The decisive word will still belong to the battlefield. The state border will run where the battlefield defines it. What we have now is the line of contact, a certain division of forces that shifts daily one way or the other.
I feel sorry for people who place their hopes on some negotiations somewhere with someone. Especially when it comes to talks without Ukraine’s participation, like recently in Alaska. That is just hot air and has nothing to do with reality. Because, excuse me, we are the ones who define the negotiating position. Not someone else for us, but we, through our actions. Not words, not comments on the Internet. Actions! So people should rely on the Armed Forces of Ukraine, on the state…
- I recalled Churchill’s words: "You cannot reason with a tiger when your head is in its mouth"…
- That question has been closed since the time the Russians were driven out of Kyiv region. From that moment, the balance of power became clear. It is not we who are cornered and pushed to the edge of the abyss. It is them!
- We know perfectly well who the Russians are. Their demands do not change—they are focused on our four regions, and they have again raised the issue of the Russian language and the Moscow church. What is there to talk about?!
- Yes, they insisted on this before as well! They even had the audacity to threaten to seize Kharkiv and Sumy regions. But Putin did not mention this in Alaska. What does that indicate? That Russia has weakened its position or made concessions? No! It speaks to only one thing: all these "conditions" they put forward have nothing to do with reality. Because they do not even intend to adhere to what they present to us as demands.
- Absolutely! You’d have to be very naïve to believe them. Negotiating with them is like sitting down to play cards with a cheat.
- Russia is not even a cheat, but some petty pickpocket with thug-like habits: "I will! I will!" Yet in fact it is incapable of anything.
Back in the days of President Kuchma, we were not in an aggressive position, although there were discussions about possibly using weapons against Russian troops due to tensions around Crimea. And now we are in one! We influence certain decisions and the use of forces and assets by the Russian Federation. They try to impose certain conditions. But we manage this with greater determination. I am very proud to have the most direct involvement in this. Because, apart from the difficulty of this work and the importance of the process, it is also extremely interesting. From any perspective, historical or individual. This is an experience that simply cannot be conveyed in words.
Indeed, we cannot hold proper negotiations with the Russians because they are incapable of them. They are unable to talk about anything, either with us or with our partners…
- These negotiations are just a cover, aren’t they?
- Of course! They are playing their political theater. We are conducting a political process in our own interests. Neither side intends to make any concessions. Therefore, all these negotiations exist solely in the discourse of people who have nothing to do with this, or who try to avoid having anything to do with it. And I truly feel sorry for the latter, those who try to detach themselves from the war. Unfortunately, we had no choice: whether to fight or not. We were attacked. And people who now try to pretend as if it didn’t happen, who close their eyes to it, are acting against their own interests, relying on their own weakness and emotional unfitness…
- And infantilism.
- Absolutely! It is an infantile position. And not just childlike, but a conscious choice of such a stance.
- Because that’s the easiest way: there’s some "adult," let him decide everything for me.
- I genuinely feel sorry for people who think this way. We’ll see where those negotiations lead, but I repeat, Russia will remain our neighbor. And Ukraine was, is, and will be! And in any case, even many years from now, the decisive word will still belong to the Armed Forces. That is why we must focus on them.
- Before the full-scale war, you worked as a history and geography teacher. That must influence your perception of the situation, doesn’t it?
- Honestly, I don’t consider myself a great authoritative expert. I am only indirectly familiar with history, no more than what the school curriculum required. It was simply my job. And teaching was the main part of it. But the thing is, history always teaches us retrospectives. Taking that into account, people are always prepared for the war that has already happened. But in reality, it’s a bit different here. Because war is a step forward into the future and a contest. It is not a repetition of something past, but something new. Analyzing past events, I was convinced that Russia would not be able to sustain a large-scale ground war, so this would not go beyond some escalation in Donbas and would not extend beyond the then Joint Forces Operation. I believed it was more about a certain political process that would not involve the direct engagement of the army on a full scale. Especially considering the condition Russia was already in back then, since 2014, it hadn’t risen in terms of potential. On the contrary, all this time it had been declining. That is why I had such thoughts. Their decision, essentially, was suicide. But the Russian leadership decided otherwise. Okay. You want war—you’ll have war. No one is going to retreat!
The only thing I expected from the Russian offensive in February 2022 was something like what we eventually faced in Avdiivka in 2024. That is, coordinated army units advancing along a dense front with artillery, aviation, and logistics support. This was exactly what Russia boasted about in its presentations at military forums and arms exhibitions. But in 2022, we saw how combat-ready units, which Russia had flaunted while pressing on Donbas, were instantly wiped out and disappeared. All that time they had been showing off their supposed military might, saying: "We’ll crush these khokhols in no time, we just need to raise an eyebrow!" In reality, it turned out to be nothing. It was, excuse me, one big global con job, including of themselves. I still don’t understand it.
- They simply didn’t expect such powerful Ukrainian resistance.
- And that was a huge political defeat for the Russians at the level of the security services, diplomatic missions, and the media space. They didn’t grasp that we wouldn’t evade the conflict by smoothing things over as before—that Ukraine is about agency, self-reliance, independence, and sovereignty. And at the outset of the full-scale invasion we already had hundreds of thousands of people with combat experience, who wouldn’t be scared by tube artillery or a column of armor. That is where the Russians miscalculated. It gave us time to mobilize forces and assets and deploy proper battle formations, because the old ones were no longer fit for purpose. We needed divisions. Now we have corps. We had to expand regiments into brigades and brigades into corps. We have done that now because, as I said, we bought time then. Today we are likewise buying time for future changes and shifts, to reconstruct the economic system and adapt it more to the war. And here I consider education reform one of the important aspects, because we must raise nationally conscious, patriotic citizens. We’re lagging a bit in this field. But we have excellent initiatives, such as the Third Army Corps’ "Centuria." It is an excellent educational organization. We have always had Plast, which has also played a huge role. There are plenty of private initiatives. I know specific people, veterans and active-duty servicemembers, who did this work, although they no longer can because they are fighting directly. As a state, we are moving in this direction but very hesitantly. So it is a certain segment of society, the energetic, active one, that is handling it.
- You’re right: this needs to be handled at the state level.
- Yes! And the bureaucratic state apparatus in this matter acts as it does in many others. It tells us: "Do what you want. We’ll try not to lock you up for it." And later what will it say? "You did this yourselves! Here’s the responsibility, now bear it." Same with mobilization, which we have botched. It’s nothing! And how does the state respond? "Shift this onto the units. Let corps, brigades, and battalions handle it themselves. We grant them the authority, but we won’t help. Let them manage." And how does the apparatus inside the army respond? "We need people! If the state has shifted it onto us, we’ll do it ourselves." Yet they still impose liability for non-fulfillment. Just "wonderful"! Sorry, but we have TCRs and law-enforcement bodies. What are they doing? Why should I be handling mobilization and worrying about education? Why should the Third Army Corps be conducting recruiting on its own and taking care of national-patriotic education while being engaged in war?!
- And holding 150 kilometers of front.
- The Third Army Corps can, of course, do this! That is our achievement and, first and foremost, that of our commander Andriy Biletskyi. It’s good that we have him. But how many like him are there? Where will we find people like that for 12 corps?! So yes, it’s good that we are handling all these issues. But I would prefer the state to do it. Instead, it flirts with ambiguous positions, blurs gray areas, and cannot even define what it considers evasion of military service and what it doesn’t; whether it wants to bring people into the ranks, or to open the border and let everyone out; and, ultimately, whether it wants to fight. It turns out I do, and the state doesn’t. And that’s a problem! Do we have any punishment for evasion of military service? No. Somewhere, someone might get a sentence and even then only if they really push it. I have concrete existential questions: where will we live, with whom and with what will we fight? Let’s solve these urgent issues. This also concerns providing people with jobs in the rear. Perhaps the state wants to do something here? Perhaps it will help us? We have rear-area positions. A corps is an enormous number of people! The issue is extremely pressing. It’s been almost four years of full-scale war. And what do people know about mobilization and military service at all? Nothing! What shapes their worldview? Which resources? Yes, we live in a time when information is very accessible. But how does the state communicate at this basic level? More questions! People don’t even understand that mobilization does not mean direct participation in engagements, it also includes cooks, clerks, and so on. Sorry, I have 20 services and only three clerks for them! What am I supposed to do about that? Where do I get more? Should I ask guys returning from the line to handle self-sustainment, or what?! And people simply don’t understand the importance of these rear-area posts.
- Often civilians say: if the TCR takes you, you are automatically an assault trooper…
- That’s roughly how it is. But I’ll explain one tiny difference. What is the difference between mobilization directly into a unit and mobilization through the TCR?
- In a unit, you can choose your specialty.
- The TCR, however, has a manning order. Those priorities depend on the branch and are set by regional structures. They do not prioritize, say, the Third Army Corps. Their first-in-line are line infantry units and air assault troops. So when a person is conscripted in this forced way, the TCR handles them, not a specific unit. We, by contrast, ask who they want to be, what their strengths are, and how they can help because I am interested in having people who are good specialists both in engagements and in rear work: solid clerks, cooks, signals specialists, auto mechanics, electricians. The TCR doesn’t ask such questions. It doesn’t analyze an individual’s qualities at all. It’s a dehumanized structure. It has billets and duties, whereas I work with people in a unit. This isn’t about bureaucratic or nomenclature mechanisms. I’m interested in that person growing, developing, and becoming better.
- Which means your overall efficiency will be different, too.
- Absolutely! That’s the difference. It’s a pity that many still don’t understand this even after four years of full-scale war. That too is a problem we need to talk about and communicate. A human being is a social creature with certain mechanisms for processing information. They perceive what they are fed. And right now they’re being shown an irresponsible picture: live it up, enjoy, tomorrow there’ll be talks, the day after—peace, and let the specialists fight. As a result, people are detached from reality, and then they’re surprised when they’re suddenly "packed up" and sent into military service. It’s like with a lock and a key: you don’t think about how the lock works until you’re in a situation where you can’t get inside. Then you start checking everything, is this the right key, the right door, the right entrance? Same here: already at the intake center their critical thinking switches on, and they start wondering whether everything is being done properly and what the options are. And then they remember the Third Army Corps: they call and say how great they are, that they know languages, are technically trained, took signals courses. They ask if we can take them. No. We have a very limited quota of people we can take, and I’d rather use it for my own specialists whom the Corps needs right now. All the more so since the training center doesn’t just hand people over on a phone call.
- Again, this is also about infantilism.
- Then it needs to be "treated." People must be raised so they won’t be like that. As we said, the state should be handling this. But these issues have been shifted onto us. Do you know what people ask now when you suggest they take clerk positions?
-What?
- "Where did the previous ones go?" I explain: "Friend, by the staffing table they didn’t exist before, but now they do. That’s it!" But the person, defending his infantile position, starts inventing reasons not to go, why it’s not his war, why he doesn’t want to do it. They say: "And where are the deputies’ children?" In my unit there is a man who has been fighting since 2022, and his father is a deputy. I personally know MPs who are fighting. What’s the problem?! Police? Well, police officers are fighting too. I knew patrol officers who were killed in this war. And you, my friend, what’s stopping you?! What are you waiting for?! That’s the question.
- For a while there was also the opinion: if you had to join the army, it was better to be a pilot. Allegedly, it was a relatively safe profession and not too difficult, although in fact that’s not true. Do many come to you wanting to fly?
- It’s hard work. And very drawn-out, because you have to ensure the continuity of the process. A person can fly for two weeks completely in vain, constantly launching the aircraft, but with no result. And then suddenly spot a concentration—and then it’s time to fight. And it’s dangerous. The war now requires saturation with unmanned systems: radio-controlled, ground complexes, aerial platforms. That’s why pilots, operators, engineers, sappers, and so on are needed everywhere. For example, we have "Killhouse"—a school for civilians that trains specialists in these fields. Because we need these people. And indeed, many are coming now. It’s easier to send a drone than an infantryman, right?
- Of course!
- Then let the machines continue doing the work wherever they can replace a person. It’s smarter, more convenient, and, above all, it saves infantry lives.
- Let’s talk about technology in the context of your specialty. You’re a reconnaissance soldier. To what extent have UAVs displaced classical reconnaissance?
- Almost 100 percent. How was it before? Reconnaissance was mostly carried out at night, because that’s when rotations at positions were happening and logistics were running. Now that’s no longer the case. A drone with a thermal camera can detect a heat signature from kilometers away. And it works better at night than during the day, because in daylight the trees and terrain depressions provide cover. And this is done by an ordinary FPV drone.
Yes, we have excellent specialists, true "directors" of the war—special reconnaissance companies. Nothing will replace them—neither artificial intelligence, nor robotic systems, nor drones. They are real "predators" who carry out extremely difficult tasks. But it’s a very narrow and incredibly demanding specialization.
- Why did you choose reconnaissance?
- I chose the war! They asked me if I would go into reconnaissance. Yes! The only thing I worried about was ending up in a kitchen somewhere. I don’t want to devalue anyone’s work, but I don’t see myself there. I was really waiting to be taken in as soon as possible. Only later did I realize where I had ended up, he smiles. (he smiles - O.M.).
- Did it turn out to be difficult? Frightening? Or how?
- There are moments when everyone is scared. That’s normal. When a Shahed comes into the city, everyone is afraid. Sometimes even when my cat jumps on me while I’m staring at my phone, I get startled.
As for difficulty, it requires very high adaptability. You’re forced to constantly learn something new because war is highly dynamic. Sometimes your head just "explodes" from how much you have to keep in it. The technical component is especially tough—there’s so much that you simply can’t master it all, so the work must be distributed among yourselves. That’s where narrow specializations emerge. Another aspect is gaining experience, which helps you understand what should be done and what shouldn’t.
- The wider public learned about you when you saved a man bleeding out in Venice. You gave him aid because you had a first aid kit with you. Soldiers often stress that it’s absolutely necessary for everyone, even civilians, to have one…
- It’s as essential as knowing not to stick sharp objects into an outlet or grab live wires. Life is actually a very fragile thing. Yes, you can die not only from a missile, but also by falling down the stairs or breaking a vase when no one is around to help.
- So the man in Venice was lucky that a Ukrainian soldier was passing by with tourniquets and knew how to provide proper assistance.
- But there’s really nothing complicated about it. I don’t know a single person who has tried to apply a tourniquet and failed. It’s easier to learn than, say, driving a car or using a mobile phone. In terms of difficulty, it’s about the same as making yourself a coffee or brewing tea. But what do you need?
- A desire to learn?
- Desire is good. But you need someone to make you do it, something to push you. That can be achieved by state policy aimed at teaching people how to keep themselves safe. It would be great if bloggers on Instagram or TikTok started talking about it. Once social networks begin discussing it en masse, there will be results. That’s what we should focus on, promote, support, and develop.
Continuing on the subject of state policy, it’s worth noting that there is inertia. A decision made today may only truly take effect the day after tomorrow, so to speak. Yes, the process is ongoing. But we want to accelerate it and influence it. I, for example, believe that one day the state will achieve proper mobilization. Absolutely! Right now, the process of granting citizenship to foreigners fighting for Ukraine has finally begun. And that’s a huge plus. It’s another confirmation that we are on a hard but right path. We just mustn’t let it stall and need to keep it fueled. That’s why we are compelled to talk about mobilization: please, make it proper! Change something in national-patriotic education. To demand is the right thing. We have many honest, responsible, conscious, and active Ukrainians. I believe they are the majority. And that’s great. I truly like that. That’s exactly why I believe that light and good await us.
- Optimistic!
- No, this is realism. We’ve already faced the threat of disappearing. Yes, we still face it. But we’ve already held on and continue to stand firm.
- But society has changed compared to the beginning of the full-scale invasion and today. A certain relaxation has appeared…
- There is some. But I don’t agree with phrases like "no one in the rear cares" or "everyone is tired of the war." If you walk around Kyiv in uniform, you can notice a lot. For example, quite often places don’t charge you because you’re a soldier…
- But there are those who avoid it. For example, draft dodgers.
- Such people exist. And they won’t disappear. Let them hide. So what?! We can’t conduct raids on apartments, break down doors, and check if someone’s hiding there. I understand that I can’t influence draft dodging…
- But does it trigger you at all?
- Of course! What triggers me most is the attitude toward it. I want those who neglected their duty to also bear responsibility, to be stripped of voting rights. Let them face certain sanctions in economic activity and restrictions in using state services, banking, and benefits. Because right now, it turns out they’re just as "cool guys" as I am, except that I get free metro rides. But I put the state above myself, my comfort, the well-being of my family, and above the four years of my six-year-old son’s life that he spent without his father, and yesterday he went to first grade without me as well. I shift my priorities and put preserving statehood and the lives of my fellow citizens first. That’s why I cannot agree to be equal in rights with those who decided to just wait while I sort everything out for them. If they want, let them continue hiding and dodging. But they must bear responsibility for it. Because as things stand, tomorrow he and I will vote as equals. Only I am in the combat zone, and he is under the skirt of his mother, wife, or whoever else. That doesn’t sit right with me.
But overall, I repeat, I believe in the path we are on, in our society. I like being a full-fledged member of it. I move freely through cities and I’m glad to see completely different people. I want it to stay this way. I don’t need any arguments to believe in the future because I am a direct participant in the actions that shape it. I am part of the process that leads to something better. It is hard, complicated, and at times may seem utopian, but we must keep going and resist the temptation of inferiority. We need to pay less attention to this nonsense about "this isn’t our war" and so on, and simply remember who we are and where we live. Look at the simple things you can literally touch with your hands. Like a Russian missile or a Shahed drone. That’s a real thing. I don’t need to ask whose war this is to understand that the person launching a Shahed at my city is my enemy. It’s actually very simple. We must confidently follow our path. By the way, this confidence is needed by everyone, including the military. You must know that you will always be accepted by society and never left alone with your problems and fears, that people will always support you. The path is faith. Right now we’re sitting in a café covered with references to Donetsk region, Volnovakha, draped with unit flags. And the barista girl is wearing a T-shirt that says "Rusoriz." That’s why I don’t believe the rear is tired of the war. Faith exists and must exist. We live in a wonderful country, in wonderful times, surrounded by wonderful people.
Olha Moskaliuk, Censor.NET
Photos provided by the interviewee
