"Fedorov’s resignation and subsequent obstruction of his reforms constitute catastrophe that could lead to Ukraine’s defeat in war," Mykyta Poturaiev on resigning his parliamentary seat
When MP Mykyta Poturaiev announced this morning that he had submitted a letter to the speaker of parliament tendering his resignation as an MP, surprise was written on the faces of his colleagues seated nearby: "Are you kidding? Is this how you reacted to Fedorov’s resignation?"
But Poturaiev was not joking. And yes, after leaving the session hall, he went to a briefing held by the now former head of the Ministry of Defence. Immediately after the briefing, the 55-year-old chair of the parliamentary Committee on Humanitarian and Information Policy gave an interview to Censor.NET.
- The first question that comes to mind is: Mykyta, why did you do this? The statement you posted on your Facebook page does not explain the reason.
- I did it in protest. The situation that has developed around the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine is unacceptable to me. This is not about any personal fondness for Mykhailo Fedorov (although that does exist), but about the fact that I see what is happening as an attempt not merely to slow down but to nullify the reforms that Mykhailo Fedorov initiated and oversaw at the Ministry of Defence. He also sought to scale them up across the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
The attempts to nullify the reforms of Fedorov and his team are, in my view, a very dangerous process because they could lead to Ukraine’s defeat in the war.
- Is it really that serious?
- It is. Because the only path to victory is to continue and to continue rapidly, the changes that were taking place at the Ministry of Defence and that Mykhailo Fedorov, unfortunately without success, also sought to introduce in the Armed Forces. He tried, but encountered resistance and obstruction from the Commander-in-Chief, the Chief of the General Staff, and other members of the "top brass."
Moreover, as Mykhailo Fedorov said today while presenting his report, this confrontation unfortunately manifested itself not only in the stonewalling of the Ministry of Defence and the failure to reform the army, but also in the persecution of officers who supported and implemented in their units the best practices proposed by the ministry. They began fighting in new ways and achieved successes that we all know about. It is regrettable that we do not always know which officers were behind those successes. Perhaps this was Mykhailo Fedorov’s mistake, but we are at war, and naturally, every time you speak, you ask yourself how your words will affect society. Will they bolster its resilience or do the opposite? We do not know the answer.
Mykhailo cited several examples of such persecution. Officers were suspended from duty and reprimanded, while entire successful units were redeployed from one section of the front to another. This did not help but only made the situation worse.
- At the beginning of our conversation, you said: "What is happening with regard to Fedorov..." What exactly is happening with Fedorov in the Office of the President and the Verkhovna Rada?
- I realised that, unfortunately, the reform agenda was under threat, that the reforms could be rolled back and that this would lead to our defeat. I saw no other way out but to take this step and draw even greater public attention to these problems.
- To draw greater public attention at the cost of your parliamentary seat?
- Yes. Look, the country is at stake, so what difference does it make what price you pay? The guys on the front are paying an incomparably higher price. Public attention is here today and gone tomorrow. I did what I could to amplify this issue and focus as much attention as possible on the fact that it was not the defence minister who needed to be replaced, but the command of the Armed Forces. I consider that an entirely acceptable price to pay.
- How did your colleagues react to your decision? Were they surprised, or had they already seen it coming?
- No, no one expected it. I did not expect it of myself; I was not even thinking about it yesterday. But I received a great deal of support. Although, of course, there are also those who are pleased. But it is a large faction, and people are different.
- Did Davyd Arakhamiia or Ruslan Stefanchuk react to your statement in any way? Did they perhaps try to respond?
- Arakhamiia was not there in the morning, while Ruslan Oleksiiovych was unprepared for what I brought and placed on his desk. He reminded me that resigning my parliamentary seat requires a formal procedure. I said that yes, it is a process, but I see no other way out. I am doing it now and announcing it now.
- Were there any calls from the Office of the President? Asking, "Mykyta, what are you doing?" Or have you fallen out with that institution?
- No, I cannot say that we have fallen out. There are people there with whom I remain in contact; we have a normal working relationship.
- Mykyta, however shocked you may have been by Fedorov’s resignation, it is difficult to believe that this alone prompted your statement. You are known to have disagreed with many things that were done under Yermak, for example. But Yermak is gone, and only now are you resigning your seat. So what else troubles you about the work of parliament and the current authorities in general?
- You see, nothing is more valuable than victory. And nothing is more tragic than a possible defeat.
- Is that really how you interpret Fedorov’s resignation? You know, I have spoken with many of your colleagues, and they said that yes, it was an unpleasant situation, but not a catastrophe.
- It will be a catastrophe. If the reforms are halted and rolled back, it will be a catastrophe.
- The Verkhovna Rada must still vote to approve your request to relinquish your mandate. I think there is a strong likelihood that the MPs will refuse to do so...
- I do not think the vote will take place before August. I asked for it to be held today, but Ruslan Oleksiiovych pointed to the rules of procedure. Well, okay. The statement has been submitted; moreover, I left the chamber and set the formal process in motion. This is not a game. I keep my word.
- What did Fedorov tell you about what he plans to do next?
- He does not yet know what he will do. He knows that he will work for the country’s victory. Just as I will. I will work for the country’s victory, wherever I may be.
- Do you want to remain in politics?
- It is difficult to say. You need to understand where you can make the greatest possible contribution to victory.
- Whom do you see as the next committee chair? Who will replace you?
- If I leave the Verkhovna Rada, Yevheniia Kravchuk could take my place. She is very much a team player, strong and independent-minded. So I see no tragedy here.
- Are you expecting a call from the president? After all, you were hardly an insignificant figure in this faction or in the green movement as a whole.
- No, I am not. Why? Because apart from strictly work-related contact, we have had no other interaction for many years.
- What will you do next? What plans do you have for putting your skills and knowledge to use?
- Yesterday, I visited the Territory of Recruitment website (the main aggregator of vacancies in the Defence Forces of Ukraine. — Ye.K.) and saw that it had some opportunities that interested me, provided I qualify. I think there is a place for any man capable of doing a job in the army.
- Mykyta, to be honest, I am strongly tempted to attribute those words either to excessive emotion or to a PR stunt. Tell me I am wrong.
- Well, I know that my actions have prompted different reactions from many people, but I do what I believe is necessary. And, broadly speaking, I do not care about much of what people think of me.
Yevhen Kuzmenko, Censor.NET
