Ukrainian dynasty: how Chernyshov skimmed, whilst Shefir and Mindich envied Yermak and Tatarov
Journalists have long known that Mindich gained his influence thanks to his friendship not only with the president but also with Serhii Shefir, who suddenly and mysteriously stepped down in 2021. But the recordings released by Mykhailo Tkach shed a lot of light on the relationships within this group—and on the construction of the "Dynasty" estates, which have already become a common name for the president’s inner circle.
In recent days, a wave of whitewashing forces has descended on social media, attempting to convince people that Mykhailo Tkach’s documents are forgeries and that this is a smear campaign designed to harm FirePoint.
But the problem is that Mykhailo isn’t the only one with these documents. MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak has also promised to release his own batch.
Until they do so, we can continue to dissect the old episodes. In particular, the relationship between Shefir and Mindich with the leaders of the Office and the construction of that very ‘Dynasty’.
The most striking part of the story from the Mindich tapes released by NABU is that the money, which was stolen in part from the protection of energy facilities, went towards the construction of estates in Kozyn, with the splendid name ‘Dynasty’.
Following the announcement of the first charges against former Minister of Unity Oleksii Chernyshov and other figures in the case, prosecutors revealed during court hearings information about the "Sunny Beach" cooperative, whose representatives were implicated in the minister’s scheme. They either registered illegally obtained flats—which the developer had given to the minister’s entourage as a bribe in exchange for land permits—or participated in the schemes.
In July 2025, journalists from Bihus.Info discovered four properties by the water in Kozyn.
It turned out that they cover almost 8 hectares on the banks of the Kozynka River and are officially owned by the company "Bloom Development". Since 2018, Chernyshov had been one of the co-owners of this firm.
At the time, Vitalii Shabinin, head of the Anti-Corruption Action Centre, suggested that, in addition to the former minister, estates might have been built there for Timur Mindich, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Andrii Yermak.
Following the publication of the journalists’ report, NABU and the SAPO carried out dozens of searches.
The investigation established that Chernyshov, whilst holding public office, together with his wife, "acting through legal entities under their control, namely 'Bloom Development' LLC and the service cooperative… 'Sunny Beach', as well as their officials, acquired real estate in the form of land plots and houses located at the address: Kyiv Oblast, Obukhiv Raion, the town of Kozyn, thereby possibly committing a crime under Part 3 of Article 209 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine".
Journalists’ investigations revealed that construction began before the pandemic and resumed after the full-scale invasion.
In November, following the publication of records in the ‘Midas’ case, it became clear that these houses were built using money from kickbacks. The construction of the estates was overseen by a relative of Timur Mindich.
This arrangement makes perfect sense, given the internal connections within this group.
In the summer of 2025, Censor.NET had already reported this story, noting that since late 2022, Timur Mindich had become highly influential in the energy sector. It was to him, as the publication’s sources stated, that Serhii Shefir handed over oversight of this sector. In the media, Mindich is periodically described as a person who seriously influences processes at "Energoatom" and "Naftogaz".
In particular, it is Mindich who is linked to the appointment as head of "Naftogaz" of the then head of the Ministry of Regional Development, Oleksii Chernyshov. It was with him that Censor.NET’s sources linked the rise of figures such as Herman Halushchenko and the former deputy head of the President’s Office, Rostyslav Shurma.
The recordings released by NABU confirmed this. But some details remained off-camera. And they only emerged in the documents published by Mykhailo Tkach.
The fragments published by the journalist include a conversation between Mindich and Serhii Shefir dated 30 June 2025. They discuss who will post bail for Chernyshov. Among the options mentioned are "farmers who will cover everything officially", his wife, and even some sort of "fund".
Mindich says that officially he can only provide 10 million, no more.
Shefir replies that he will discuss this with Hennadii Butkevych, co-owner of ATB and founder of the BGV Group (the businessman currently denies in a comment to UP that he provided funds, but even without this, it is known that the money was ultimately provided by entirely different people).
At the same time, the interlocutors are very afraid of being caught or eavesdropped on.
Transcript of conversations from the "Mindich tapes"
"They’ve analysed the whole parking lot again. I don’t know, but everyone’s freaking out," Mindich complains.
Shefir is thinking of going to Chernyshov, but Mindich refuses, saying it’s dangerous. He then mentions that former MP Yurii Aristov is celebrating his birthday at the "Fabius" restaurant, near the "Dynamo" training ground, and that this is even more dangerous.
"Why the hell are they doing this in these restaurants?" asks Shefir. But despite this, he plans to drop by and say hello. Mindich asks if there will be MPs there. "Everyone will be there—those who were downed and those who weren't," clarifies Shefir.
Mindich complains that they’re out to get him.
Mindich: They’re telling me not to be here.
Shefir: Where here?
Mindich: Well, generally (indistinct), that they’re actively after me.
Shefir: And what did you talk about with Vova?
Mindich: I spoke to Vova before Shabbat, before all that happened with Chernyshov.
The interlocutors discuss how good it is that Chernyshov has returned, and that this is a ‘stunt’.
As is known, before the NABU served him with a notice of suspicion, Chernyshov fled to Vienna, and according to UP, the then-head of the Main Intelligence Directorate, now head of the Office, Kyrylo Budanov, was forced to participate in returning the Deputy Prime Minister.
Neither Mindich nor Shefir, during the conversation, understand whether the discredited minister will be removed or not. Whether there will be a change of government or not. In other words, even if both are in contact with the president, they are only grasping the general direction of events.
"If they don’t remove him now, if they bring down the Cabinet now, then they’ll bring down the Cabinet and that’s it," says Mindich. Who is clearly better informed than Shefir.
Shefir, speaking of Chernyshov’s bail, remarks: "Lesha isn’t exactly a poor man, to put it mildly… A fleet of cars, a staff, a house of some sort." Mindich notes that all of that has been seized. But he adds that Chernyshov gave 20 million each to various people to post bail for him.
At the same time, Mindich is very angry that Chernyshov decided to make a profit and acquire 14 flats.
"100% he’s skimmed off the top," the businessman suggests.
"Firstly, that’s dishonest. If you’re on the team, then you… I’ve got Kisel and Sova. If anything comes up here, I’d say 50% straight away," Shefir replies.
Presumably, he is referring to Ukrainian MPs Yurii Kisel and Oleksandr Sova.
Interestingly, before the New Year, Kisel also received a notice of suspicion from NABU for unlawful gain, namely receiving his salary in cash envelopes.
From the same conversation, it becomes clear that the president’s inner circle continues to communicate with Andrii Smirnov, who was dismissed from the Presidential Office, and seeks his legal advice. And he says that Chernyshov has weak lawyers.
But despite the fact that both are angry with Chernyshov, they have their own logic in assessing NABU’s actions.
"Well, he stole a million hryvnias or 12 million, six flats – what’s the point of that? Just get on with the case, sort it out before the war ends," Shefir shares his thoughts.
Tatarov and Yermak
Mindich and Shefir discuss Oleр Tatarov and Andriш Yermak, but it is difficult to tell who the quotes refer to.
"Well, simply, when he wanted to, they appointed the prosecutor," says Mindich.
Shefir: When he wants to, he does it. He’s pulling the strings here, as I understand it. Well, I see. He met with him, well, he just sat there in silence.
Mindich: There won’t be anything else here at all. I’ve taken your leading spot.
Shefir: You were the one who started it.
Mindich: I’m not doing anything. Objectively, I’m not meeting with anyone. I’m not giving orders to anyone, I’m not taking any money. What a mate. A telepath, some sort of external control over the ministry. It’s just unpleasant. If you like skating, you’ve got to like pulling the sledge too.
Shefir: If only you were skating.
Mindich: We’re a team, aren’t we?
Shefir: I wrote to Vova, but he didn’t reply.
Mindich: They’ve arrived.
Shefir: I don’t know.
It’s hard to make out anything specific from these snippets, but it sounds like dissatisfaction with access to the president. Whether due to Yermak’s presence, other circumstances, or the president’s busy schedule.
But at the same time, Mindich doesn’t want an official position as an adviser, because then law enforcement would be watching his every move.
"What, you’d be under surveillance, and this, and every time you came to see me would be an event," he says.
Despite this, Mindich still considered meetings with Shefir safe, even if they were being watched, because they are old friends and partners.
They briefly mention that Oleh Tatarov has regained influence, and that the guys in the system know how to stir up intrigue.
"We’re cut off from everything. That’s why they have so many tools at their disposal that even their intrigues can turn into reality," says Mindich.
Literally the very next day after his conversation with Shefir, on 1 July 2025, Mindich will meet a woman named Natalia and they will discuss putting the construction of the estates on hold.
Interestingly, Mindich is waiting for Maksym Donets, the president’s head of security, at the same time.
Most of the conversations between Mindich and Natalia have already been presented by prosecutors in court during the Mindich case, as it is precisely from these excerpts that it becomes clear how much of the money laundered by Tsukerman was subsequently invested in the construction.
Mindich asks the woman to put the construction on hold for at least a year.
"Bloody hell. I’ve put so much into that place. Just put it on hold and leave. It’s a complete nightmare," says the visitor, who is clearly in charge of the construction of Mindich’s house.
However, according to her, all the people who worked for Chernyshov have now left, and they cannot be brought back because he owes them money. In total, she needs half a million to complete the necessary work, or at the very least 300,000, because tiles have already been delivered for the pool, and the stairs… and the gazebo.
What is interesting about the full version of the conversation between Natalia and Mindich is that it may serve as confirmation that the houses were built for President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Andrii Yermak, Oleksii Chernyshov and Timur Mindich.
Visitor: Goodness, how is that possible? And we won’t resume this? Right?
Mindich: I think we will. Come on, show me what it’s like inside. Whose house is this? It’s not mine. I’m already standing there by the façade.
Visitor: It’s Andrii. I’m doing it for him too.
Mindich: Did he tell you to do it?
Visitor: No, I’m doing it because the terraces are needed urgently. I’m rushing to get it done before winter. You don’t understand, it’s a creative process. I had work to do over the weekend after the rain.
Judging by the conversation, Mindich’s guest is very unhappy with Chernyshov, and suspects that either he personally, or his manager, built everything for the ex-minister using her patron’s money.
Visitor: Look at this house and that one. Look at this combination. They’ve finished this one. It’s fully insulated with all the services inside – air conditioning, fans, underfloor heating. That first house is fully fitted out, and the fourth one too. Andrii’s got nothing but the facades. And you don’t even have that.
Visitor: I told you back then that he’s stealing, when you just sent me there. I told you we don’t have enough. Damn it, I can see what he's up to. Even here, even here, look what he’s doing — now that one’s running about, crying. By the way, what about the electricity? That bastard’s cut it off. If we don’t pay by the fifth, he’ll cut it off. He pays for everything: rubbish collection, electricity.
Mindich agrees with her: "I think Chernyshov was building at our expense."
Later in the conversation, Vova is mentioned, who, it seems, is also an owner or future user.
But there are no detailed quotes about this. Later in Tkach’s documents, there is no transcript, just a description.
So, it is unclear what was said about Vova.
As is well known, under the law, the president is immune from prosecution and no investigative actions can be taken against him. Incidentally, representatives of the SAPO and NABU have emphasised this on more than one occasion in private conversations when journalists asked whether the president was on the tapes or whether there were any mentions of him.
Tetiana Nikolaienko, Censor.NET
