Europe is rearming through Ukraine: how €2 billion for drones is turning war into industry of future
When Ursula von der Leyen stepped up to the press in Brussels in late September, her words sounded like a dry bureaucratic statement — but in fact, they marked the beginning of a new era. "We have agreed with Ukraine that a total of €2 billion will be spent on drones right now. This will allow Ukraine to scale up production and harness its full potential. And, of course, it will also enable the European Union to benefit from this technology."
It sounds simple. In reality, this is not just another aid tranche. It is a signal: Europe is beginning to build its air shield — through Ukraine.
For the second year running, the Ukrainian sky is not merely a front line but a proving ground for a new kind of war. Technologies that change the rules are born here: FPV drones, electronic warfare systems, AI for targeting, and digital battle management.
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has repeatedly stressed: "Ukraine has become the field where it is being decided whether the world will be safe or chaotic. And it is here that a new security architecture is being built." Europe has understood this and has decided not merely to help, but to invest in the expertise Ukraine has gained at the cost of losses.
The EU’s decision to allocate €2 billion for drones is not a humanitarian initiative. It is a plan to build a system with Ukraine as its central element.
The "Drone Wall" will protect both the EU and Ukraine
The European model envisages three tiers:
- Industrial. Part of the funds will go toward joint factories, assembly, and maintenance of drones in Ukraine and EU member states.
- Technological. Integration into the Drone Wall network — a multi-layered system of sensors, interceptors, and communications designed to shield NATO’s eastern flank.
- Training. Ukrainian engineers and service members are sharing their experience countering Shaheds — now within official training programs in Denmark, Poland, and Germany.
Read more: Ukrainians successfully neutralise several drones in Danish airspace
In Kyiv, this was seen as recognition of Ukraine’s military and technological sovereignty. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen spoke without diplomacy: "Europe is now in its most dangerous situation since World War II." Thus, this is not about "donating to allies," but about interdependence. The "Drone Wall" project has been officially defined as one that will "protect both the EU and Ukraine." Berlin admits that the Ukrainian school of unmanned aviation is more effective than most European laboratories. The logic is simple: not to compete, but to cooperate.
The European war now counts percentages, not missiles
The United Kingdom was the first to join this symphony. Project OCTOPUS foresees large-scale production of Ukrainian interceptors in British workshops. Defence Secretary John Healey said, "The UK will produce and co-develop the most advanced military equipment together with Ukrainian industry… This will create jobs in Britain and strengthen the national security of both countries." The UK Ministry of Defence added: "Ukrainian interceptor drones have proven highly effective against Iranian and Russian Shaheds, and their unit cost is less than 10% of the value of the targets they destroy." The European war now measures percentages, not missiles.
Ukrainian forces have already turned combat know-how into manufacturing standards. UAV units have become laboratories where machines are simultaneously tested, repaired and upgraded. The "Madyar’s birds," who began with amateur drones, are now the symbol of an era. Their experience formed the basis for the creation of the Armed Forces’ Unmanned Systems Forces — a structure that unites all levels of drone work, from the frontline to software.
Along with new technologies come new dilemmas:
- who will control the unified network — national governments or Brussels?
- is the EU ready for the pace at which Ukraine’s war operates?
- and can Europe remain humane when algorithms are already fighting on the battlefield?
This is not rhetoric. This is the new morality of war, one that will also have to be codified.
Ukraine's advantage is combat experience and battlefield testing
Looking ahead, by 2026 Ukraine may become an export hub for drone technologies, while Europe will finally transform from a consumer of security into its producer. "Mass production of inexpensive interceptors will be the key to victory in the drone war," reads the materials of the British Project OCTOPUS. In this war, it is not quantity but speed of thought that matters.
Vadym Yunyk, is president of Tech Force in UA and CEO of the defense technology company FRDM, has been working professionally with UAVs since 2013. He was among the first to present strike drones to the country’s top military leadership, advocating for their recognition as weapons. From his perspective, Ukraine should become part of the European drone space — without new "Soviet-style" barriers.
"The idea of creating a joint production and technological space for drones between Ukraine and the EU is not new. We’ve been pursuing this concept for a year and a half. It’s one of the real ways to become part of Europe not just in words but in practical cooperation between enterprises," the interlocutor explains. According to him, the first task is to establish interaction between Ukrainian and European markets and remove the barriers that hinder cooperation. Ukrainian companies must be given the same opportunities as manufacturers from EU countries, for example, the way Latvia and Estonia or Germany and Denmark work together. "Ukraine should naturally integrate into this technological space. It’s not a matter of prestige, but of survival," he says.
According to the expert, Ukraine has a unique advantage — combat experience and technologies tested on the battlefield. European partners recognize this and are interested in joint production because Ukrainian solutions are battle approved. However, the key problem remains — financing.
"War is long and expensive, so we need to look for alternative funding sources. Western partners are ready to help but want quick access to technologies. And that’s normal. That’s how real allies work: they help and benefit together," Yunyk explains. The main thing is not to create a "special export-2."
A separate issue is the attempt to create a new licensing authority to control exports. The expert warns that this is a direct path back to the Soviet-style "special export" system.
"As soon as a new body appears that ‘approves’ paperwork, the temptation arises to resolve issues ‘the human way.’ Ukrainians have been through this before. It means corruption, abuse, and shadow schemes. We don’t need a new barrier between us and Europe," he stresses.
Instead, a transparent digital system similar to "Diia" is proposed, where applications for export and cooperation are submitted online without direct contact with officials.
"In Europe, bureaucracy operates by rules; in our country, it often depends on mood. If we want to be part of a civilized market, we must minimize human involvement in decision-making. That’s the key to trust," the expert says.
Ukrainian developers can teach Europeans one crucial thing: how to create weapons that actually work in war.
"They can build a beautiful prototype, but they don’t know how it performs in battle. We understand that, because we live in this reality. We fight, we test, we improve. And that’s what Europe values," he adds.
At the same time, Ukraine has much to learn from the EU, systematization, stable financing, and protection of manufacturers.
"Europeans work slowly but precisely. Ukrainians work fast but chaotically. Combine these traits, and you get the perfect balance," says Vadym Yunyk.
According to the expert, establishing joint ventures and launching cooperation mechanisms could take from six months to a year.
"That’s if everyone runs — both we and the Europeans. So far, some countries haven’t even signed the basic G2G memorandums. Without them, no technology export is legally possible," he says.
"Europeans think differently. Even if a program exists, it doesn’t mean they’ll buy your development. We need guarantees — at least for a year or two. Otherwise, it will just be a ‘factory for the sake of having a factory,’" Yunyk notes.
He also calls things by their proper names: "This is our exam. We will either build a transparent process, or we will recreate a system of approvals, bribes and manual controls. And this will affect not only Ukraine’s defence capability but the security of all Europe."
A DEVIRO representative reminded listeners that Ukraine is Europe’s outpost. Ukraine holds and protects European borders, eliminating the enemy with 50% Ukrainian-made weapons.
"And if you compare the battlefield, where 80% of strikes are delivered by drones, the share of Ukrainian systems becomes even larger. In other words, Ukrainian service members and Ukrainian drones are currently the most battle-tested in modern warfare.
This year we have seen and felt significant support from the countries of Northern Europe. Those countries understand that if you want peace you must prepare for war, and they are analyzing and studying Ukraine’s wartime experience. Remember how, two years ago, our troops went to Europe to train and now we train them. Our military and domestic manufacturers are beginning to share the accumulated experience with our allies.
The Baltic states, the Scandinavian countries, the United Kingdom and others have helped and continue to help us, and there will come a time when they will ask us for help, with good reason. Then all artificial boundaries between European and Ukrainian technologies will be erased, and weapons will again be divided into only two categories: effective or ineffective on the battlefield, because the enemy will be the same. The military already understand this; manufacturers, including European ones, do not all yet. Governments have no choice but to start preparing plans today to set up joint Ukrainian-European production. Hopefully by then, everything Ukrainian will already be called European.
